Thursday, April 27, 2017 | ePaper

Suu Kyi doesn't have powers to solve Rohingya crisis

  • Print
José Ramos-Horta and Janelle Saffin :
Human-rights abuses in Myanmar's Rakhine state have led to mounting international condemnation and calls for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry. The atrocities there must be investigated, and their perpetrators held to account. But the situation in Rakhine is now fuelling criticism of Myanmar's de facto head of government, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, in a way that is obscuring the military's responsibility in the crisis. Condemning Suu Kyi, a former dissident and Nobel Peace Prize winner, for not using her position as a megaphone to address the problem may be emotionally satisfying, but it does not help those most in need. It is simply wrong to say that Suu Kyi has done nothing in the face of the horrors being perpetrated in Rakhine. One must remember that Myanmar is undergoing a fragile political transition, under a constitution that gives the military a leading role in national politics, while constraining Suu Kyi.
Given that atrocities are still being committed, it would be premature to excuse or defend any of Myanmar's leaders. But we should identify the right targets for criticism. Suu Kyi has been hung out to dry while Myanmar's generals - who misruled the country for decades - have been allowed to step back as the conflict escalates.
And Suu Kyi's critics should recognise that the generals have reserved the capacity to step back in, should she suffer too much political damage. Myanmar's 2008 military-decreed constitution allows them to stage a coup d'état whenever they deem it necessary to restore order. The international community should not let itself be held hostage by this possibility; but it must be borne in mind. Although Suu Kyi led the National League for Democracy to an overwhelming victory in the 2015 parliamentary election, she does not have complete authority over the government or the state. The fact that she was barred from occupying the presidency, and forced to accept the title of "State Counsellor," speaks to the inadequacies of Myanmar's constitution. The generals never intended to let a civilian government hold them to account.
As State Counsellor, Suu Kyi has the same responsibilities as other heads of state, but not nearly as much power. The military's commander-in-chief, General Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, has little responsibility, but far more power than Suu Kyi. So, rather than focusing solely on Suu Kyi, the international community should be pressing the military and the Rakhine State parliament to work alongside the government and other parties toward peace. They can start by helping to implement the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Suu Kyi has already committed her government to enacting the commission's recommendations, and it is now time for the military and Rakhine officials to do the same. There is also an urgent need for stronger commitments at the international level: to help provide services, defend the rule of law - in Rakhine and in Myanmar generally - and search for lasting solutions to the crisis. Curtailing development aid, as some of Suu Kyi's critics have proposed, would only serve the military's interests. Simply put, creating a culture that respects human rights and the rule of law - long ignored and violated in Myanmar - won't happen overnight.
That is why the international community should back a long-term strategy of support for Myanmar, while condemning abuses when they occur. International inquiries and fact-finding missions will not put an end to the violence, and could even inflame an already volatile situation. According to the International Crisis Group, developments in Rakhine took a "dangerous turn" in October 2016, when Rohingya Muslim militants - who have been radicalised, armed, and funded from abroad - launched a series of attacks against border-guard outposts. Among all of the stakeholders, Myanmar's military has the most power to end the conflict. Myanmar's government, despite having far less power than the military, has taken action to find long-term solutions that will secure a lasting peace. But achieving peace will be a long, painful process. Rakhine state has not experienced peace or prosperity for more than half a century. After decades of colonisation, military rule, ethnic and religious conflict, and civil wars, Rakhine has been left in a state of abject poverty and division.
This grim history includes the Japanese occupation during World War II, which precipitated the 1942 Arakan massacres - a period of communal violence between British V Force-armed Kamam Muslims (today's Rohingya) and Buddhist Rakhine villagers. Today, against the backdrop of the North Arakan Muslim League's demand for annexation to Pakistan and the Mujahid Party's effort to secure an autonomous state within Rakhine, a separatist Arakanese Independence Movement has been actively, and often violently, pursuing independence.
No UN Commission of Inquiry can unpack this history. Creating a peaceful, prosperous state and society in Rakhine will take slow, deliberate actions that are aimed specifically at building trust and a culture of respect for human rights and the rule of law. Only Hlaing, the military's commander-in-chief, has the power to launch a genuine reconciliation effort. He would do well to ignore Suu Kyi's critics, and to listen to those who are calling on him to work collaboratively with her government. There is no other path to peace.
(José Ramos-Horta is a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. Janelle Saffin is the Chair of the Australian Labor Party's International Party Development Committee).

More News For this Category

Corruption at BRTA office needs to be held in check

IT is not unknown that government offices are safe haven for systematic corruption and where it is for rendering service to people the severity of harassment is all the

More capacity building for WASA instead of merger

WHEN it comes to addressing the water logging in Dhaka city, WASA is a "failed organisation", said Dhaka South City Corporation Mayor Sayeed Khokon on Tuesday, as per reports

Shere-Bangla : His role in addressing peasant uprising

Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque :Throughout his life  Ak Fazlul Haque fought for upholding human rights of the poor farmers. He relentleesly  struggled for the protection of their rights in and

`The future of Afghanistan remains as uncertain as ever`

Ali M. Latifi :I spent the evening of April 13 with a cousin and two aunts in the upscale Wazir Akbar Khan neighbourhood in Kabul, Afghanistan. My aunts mostly talked

Readers’ Forum

Workers dying from silicosisLabourers who work in stone crushing in different parts of our country are dying due to silicosis caused by inhalation of crystalline silica dust. These workers, deprived

Inclusive policies urgent for business women

DESPITE immense opportunities for women entrepreneurship to grow manifold in Bangladesh it has not thrived to the level of expectations in the country mainly due to social taboos, women

Insufficient relief brings no hope to haor people

THE government relief operation in flood-hit haors where people have lost Boro crops in the field and livestock to become utterly helpless, seems to be quite inadequate and we

Readers` Forum

Delayed justice is rather no justice :The collapse of Rana Plaza is the deadliest industrial disaster of the world. The main culprit, Sohel Rana, owner of the said plaza,

Reclaiming the Bandung spirit for shared prosperity

Noeleen Heyzer and Anis Chowdhury :"The despised, the insulted, the hurt, the dispossessed-in short, the underdogs of the human race were meeting. … Who had thought of organizing such

Trump`s first 100 days: A serious cause for concern

Martin Khor :This week, Donald Trump will mark his first hundred days as US President.  It's time to assess his impact on the world, especially the developing countries.It's too